Push and pull on devolution of powers
It is becoming increasingly clear that Nigeria, as currently structured, is ungovernable. It is equally becoming clear that much as we all know where the solution lies, its attainment has been elusive since the National Political Reform Conference of 2005 whose far-reaching recommendations were ignored for political reasons. The truth is that there are far too many centrifugal forces pulling the diverse groups or nationalities in the country in different directions on key issues. These centrifugal forces include region, religion, ethnicity, language, class, gender, and other social features. That is why the call for unity is nothing but political talk, which politicians themselves know is unattainable.
What is more, President after President has been driving increasingly toward unification, while also projecting the propaganda of unity. True, the forces of unification are ever present—a common country called Nigeria to which we pledge citizenship; a common flag; a common national anthem, which maintains that “in brotherhood we stand”; and a common purse from which oil money is shared among the 36 states, the Federal Capital Territory, and the 774 local councils. Nevertheless, unity remains elusive owing to the power of the centrifugal forces highlighted above.
Ironically, on the one hand, the call for devolution of powers is rooted in the desire for self determination and fulfillment within each group’s own geographical, cultural, and economic space. The more powers are devolved to the federating units, the lighter the burden on the Federal Government to satisfy every group.
On the other hand, the attendant reduction in the powers and resources of the central government is viewed by parasites of the state as a move toward disintegration. It is a false view that hides their fear of losing dependency on the centre, given their age-long inability to manage independence.
Yet, there appears to be no better time to devolve powers to the federating units than now, because it is the only way the federating units and their residents could begin to look inwards for survival and development rather than outwards to the centre, some for plums and others for crumbs. True, major hardships have accompanied President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic policies, the measures taken by his administration to ameliorate the hardships have been obscured by non-performing Governors. Yet, most citizens are unaware that state allocations have more than doubled since the removal of fuel subsidy and the establishment of more efficient tax collection practices. This knowledge gap has led them to keep directing their anger and frustration at the Federal Government.
The question now is what will the federating units look like, given the large number of states, some of which are struggling to survive? Not a few people thought that the outline of the federating units was emerging when each of the six geo-political zones established a Development Commission. Each zone also is working together through its Governors Forum, which allows for shared ideas on security and economic development.
But while this looks like a step forward, raising the hope that the geo-political zones might become the new regions, the Federal Government established a new Ministry of Regional Development to oversee the various development commissions. Some observers view this as another layer of bureaucracy and another step toward centralization.Related News
Earlier in the year, the financial autonomy granted to the local councils attracted criticisms, because it also was viewed as another step toward centralization. It is a case of a curative medicine with debilitating side effects. In this case, the disease was state governors’ habit of sitting on local council funds and misappropriating them. However, a direct link between the centre and local councils raises serious questions about the power given to the states in the constitution regarding the control and financing of local councils within their jurisdictions.
These apparently centralizing tendencies notwithstanding, there are discernible movements toward devolution of powers. Three such developments stand out. One is the power granted to the states to develop and manage their own rail network. Another is the power to generate, transmit, and distribute electricity, rather than rely on the national grid. Yet a third is the pending creation of state police to enhance security. While a few states have already taken advantage of the first two developments, the creation of state police is still in process. The good news is that as many as 32 states have submitted the paperwork agreed upon in the meeting between the President and the Governors in February 2024.
What remains to be resolved is the nature of federating units. Not a few advocates of devolution of powers think that the present 36-state structure is unwieldy. Besides, some of them are struggling to meet their obligations. There are, however, two counter-arguments. First, if appropriate measures are put in place to check corruption, the struggling states may begin to stay afloat. The starting point is for residents, civil society organizations, activists, and the media to demand accountability from state Governors as well as transparency of state records. Second, reallocation of resources should go hand in hand with devolution of powers, such that states will be better funded than they are now.
These counter-arguments notwithstanding, the cost of maintaining 36 Governors in a largely consumption economy is an avoidable burden. The wastefulness in the lifestyle of our Governors is beyond pardon. It often begins with so-called security vote for which there is neither a set limit nor accounting requirement. For example, at the governorship debate in Ondo state last Sunday between incumbent Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa of the APC and challenger Agboola Ajayi of the PDP, it was revealed that the Governor was taking home N1.2 billion as security vote every month. The Governor contested the amount but wouldn’t reveal the actual figure, arguing that it is state secret.
One can only imagine the humongous amount allocated to security votes across the 36 states. As several state officials have told me in the past, security vote often translates into the Governor’s pocket money, which he often spends as he likes. For those who have reelection ahead of them, security vote is often the starting point of raising campaign funds.
There should be a better way of reconfiguring the federation units, if the devolution of powers were to be meaningful. That’s why some observers are advocating geopolitical zones as good candidates for federation units. It will then be left to each zone to determine how the constituent states and local councils would be managed.
Admittedly, a major hurdle to devolution of powers is the present constitution. It has to be overhauled to accommodate necessary structural change. That is why President Tinubu needs to embark on this task as early as possible.
